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dreamdead
12-10-2007, 01:53 PM
Words are by dreamdead/Paul Petrovic

http://myfilm.com/blogimage/pp.bmp

“You don't wanna hear my message”:
Counteracting a Monologic Language in Watkins’ Punishment Park

Peter Watkins’ docudrama Punishment Park (1971) is a profound indictment on America’s egregious mishandling of social liberties on the home front as opposition to the Vietnam War escalates. In Watkins’ film, public dissidence prompts the government to institute a provisional security act that detains nonconformists. These individuals are then prosecuted under a tribunal and given the choice of either accepting flagrant long-term sentences or partaking in a three-day punishment park, wherein they will receive their liberty if they reach an American flag before police round them up. While the park is ostensibly a vehicle for preserving order, such a provision soon disavows the need for evidence and oppositions to the national orthodoxy are eliminated by an invincible police force if they fail to fall in line with the dominant, government-approved ideology. All the while, a BBC television crew documents these ordeals and engages in interviews with the participants. Punishment Park critiques the repressive political regime that Watkins sees germinating in the late 1960s, but the film also criticizes the media, as they too are often complicit in silencing opposition. Watkins analyzes how institutions of power dominate the control and production of language, and enacts Mikhail Bahktin’s assertion of how a prosecutor-dissenter dialectic is closed down by the arrant monologic discourse assumed, in this case, by both parties. Indeed, “both sides hurl clichéd political rhetoric at each other” (Gomez 118). Most radically, though, Watkins critiques such productions of power when the BBC reporter finally speaks out against the American government that he is documenting, therein subversively reclaiming the willingness to let individuals, and not institutions, control the production of language. Therefore, Watkins emphasizes a counter-language constituted through the cinematic lens, one which can transcend the limitations of a monologic, borderline fascist, discourse and engender true revolution.

Watkins entrusts the cinematic lens with the need to chronicle and bear witness to the neglect and abuse of the dissidents. Because of the polarizing attitudes between the tribunal and the dissidents, any interrogation is regulated through those who possess the dominant power, and this rhetorical exclusion thus prohibits any true empathy from occurring between the two factions. Consequently, the tribunals are understood as staged acts; their air of objectivity is seen as performative, and ultimately facile and dismissive. They adopt a monologic ideology, for, as Bakhtin argues, “[m]onologue pretends to be the ultimate word. It closes down the represented world and represented persons” (293). Their defiance of the dissidents allows them to adopt a wholly circumscribed perspective which delimits other viewpoints, banishing oppositionality and localizing all sensibility within the monologue. As such, they generate a stable, fixed attitude that can only be counteracted by the BBC reporter and his “dilemma of the journalist (artist) as man-in-the-middle” (Weiner 52). The camera lens becomes the preeminent counter-language which will, as one dissident pleas, “take pictures of this,” and thereby articulate the damage and political injustice of the tribunals.

In the beginning of the film, though, the BBC reporter is impartial to the tribunal, never offering agency to his beliefs or transgressing against the dominant ideology. It is only after one of the dissidents, Jay Kaufman (Carmen Argenziano), articulates his ideas that the reporter begins to question the principles of the administration and engages in the dissenting opinion. Kaufman explains that “War is immoral. Poverty is immoral. Racism is immoral. Police brutality is immoral. […] This country represents all these things.” Though the BBC reporter is silent here, the self-righteous remonstration that the tribunal affects in order to chide Kaufman reinforces the essential truth of their depravity. Shortly thereafter, another dissident, Nancy Smith (Katherine Quittner), cries out, “How many children have entered these tribunals?” Being cognizant of the ineffectuality behind their defense, these two voices interrogate the imbalance of governmental power, and so both make explicit the idea that the tribunal exists to silence rather than to enter into a dialogue. Similarly, their conviction penetrates the ideological bubble of the BBC reporter, awakening him to the mismanagement of the repressive ultimate authority that the tribunal employs.

Shortly thereafter the BBC reporter is traveling with one of the other dissident groups already being hunted in the punishment park, and he consciously enters into a dialogue with one of them. Off-camera, he asks one of the dissidents, “How would you try to remedy the situation in America?” The answer is telling, since the dissident asserts that “I don’t think it can be done.” Though off-camera, the reporter’s question suggests a growing desire to understand, to engage in true dialogue. The BBC reporter thereby opens up the represented individuals in the group and circulates their counterarguments rather than continuously confining them and shutting them down. That is to say, he and his accompanying camera offer liberation from the monolithic prejudice that weighs on the dissidents inside the tribunal. Instead of the tribunal politics, where one of the dissidents shrewdly notes, “you don’t wanna hear my message,” the BBC reporter begins to believe in the counter-message. The answer to remedying the situation, then, exists in Watkins’ meta-narrative; that is, in his indictment of the media since it is the media that must assume agency and report on these governmental transgressions.

For their part, the tribunal remains oblivious to any transformative agency now inherent to the medium in which they are being recorded and (re)presented. Adopting their characteristic monologic attitude, one of the tribunal members, Paul Reynolds (Norman Sinclair), feigns an interest in a true dialogue when he tells the reporter, “We give them the chance to have a fair say, but they just don’t seem to appreciate it.” The tribunal’s offer of agency to the dissidents is, however, denied precisely because the offering is always wrapped up in a controlling environment. The dissidents face a fundamental lack toward any “fair say” because their location within the tribunal itself denies dialogue due to the inherent power relations that privilege the tribunal’s agency. As Mikhail Bakhtin further writes on the monologic condition, the other person—the person outside of the monologue—always “remains wholly and merely an object of consciousness, and not another consciousness. No response is expected from it that could change everything in the world of my consciousness” (293). In other words, the tribunal members disassociates the dissidents from any actual ontology vis-*-vis their projection of infallible innocence. Instead, the tribunal fashion the dissidents as little more than objects, which the camera catches and which thereby allows the BBC reporter the agency to make the tribunal look more and more incredulous in their assertions of fairness.

While the tribunal members are unconscious of how the camera disparages them, the police who are in pursuit of the dissidents are not as oblivious. They are aware of a shifting of the camera’s consciousness, and they are equally attentive to the fact that the BBC reporter possesses an ideology which is slowly becoming apathetic to their own ideology. As such, critic Joseph A. Gomez argues that the police “look into the lens with expressions of distrust, but near the end this distrust turns to hostility” (112). These initial suspicions reveal how tenuous the dominant ideology’s hold on power can be if mass media transgresses and calls into question that dominant production of language. The police are hesitant around the documentary crew even as they assume cautious stances of authority, but there is an anxiety about them now that supercedes that early invincibility. There is an understanding that the camera and the BBC reporter have agency that could be used to topple the tribunal’s reign.

dreamdead
12-10-2007, 01:53 PM
The BBC reporter’s agency is unleashed definitively when a young National Guardsman opens fire on a group of dissidents who are throwing rocks at the approaching troops. In the ensuing chaos all of the dissidents in the group are summarily butchered, and the reporter screams, “Oh God… cut… cut… Oh God, cut the camera. Help these people… Oh, you fuckers! We’ve seen this. This is going on NBC.” He understands unequivocally that these are first and foremost executions, and so his pledge to air these killings secures a pledge to the dissidents not to let their sacrifices be in vain. No longer does the BBC reporter remain voiceless to these ordeals; rather, he begins to articulate his anger at a government-approved ideology that would unabashedly execute its citizens who fail to submit to orthodoxy. He verbally attacks the police and the guardsmen, counteracting the monologic omniscience that the police project to the camera.

The BBC reporter’s counterattack occurs when the other police stand up for the young guardsman who opened fire. They defend his actions and thereby try to shut down the BBC reporter’s right to question. Yet the reporter continues to interrogate them, asking, “You mean he’s trained to kill unarmed people?” His explicit refutation of their authority does more than just challenge the ethics of police defense; instead, it acts as a complete reappraisal of the government’s orthodoxy and self-representation. It exposes the facile ideological underpinning that lies beneath the weight that the tribunal and their cohorts throw around and command. Because of the camera the police cannot silence him, and so he raises an oppositionality to their extreme prejudice toward the dissenters. In turn, the BBC reporter usurps their access to language as the ultimate word and begins to assume a voice that is constant in its dissent.

The BBC reporter even stands up to the institutions of power represented by the Federal Marshal (Radger Greene), who is the lead antagonist. The marshal assumes an air of indifference, trusting in the dominant ideology of the government to secure him safe passage, but the reporter is insistent in his threats of exposure. Finally, the Federal Marshal asserts his authority and proclaims that,
Federal Marshal: “I’ve been on TV before.”
BBC Reporter: “Not like this, you haven’t.”
This counterargument delineates the headstrong idealism and tenacious sense of righteousness that becomes so integral to the BBC reporter. He proves willing to cut through the monologism that is so innate to the government and its minions, and therefore becomes a representative voice for the dissidents. He trusts that the media can still cause seismic shifts in cultural ideology, and his dedication to this trust grants him the freedom to critique the national orthodoxy and assert that there will be consequences for the government’s blatant disregard of human life.

The BBC reporter’s success stands in stark contrast to the last surviving set of dissidents, a band of four pacifists who reach the American flag after three days only to see that police and federal marshals surround the flag. As Joseph A. Gomez argues, “The pacifists rightly perceive that the authorities are attempting to provoke them so that they can eliminate them, but they wrongly believe that they can change the system by playing according to the rules. Things will not ‘come out all right if they make it to the flag’” (118). The BBC reporter must watch as the final survivors are summarily snuffed out, and from this experience he becomes aware that he cannot change the system if he adheres to their rules, as such submissiveness would merely shepherd him into a life of subordinate silence. There is no equality in an ideology, so he must circumvent the systems of inequality. The only way to strike at the heart of this government-sanctioned brutality is to televise the violence and use the media to instigate a revolution.

From this awakening that a revolution is needed to sweep clean the government, Watkins stages the final exchange between the BBC reporter and the Federal Marshal. Here the reporter once more struggles to engage the marshal in dialogue and to break through the closed down monologism that centers his life, but the exchange has little success:
BBC Reporter: “You could have opened your ranks and let them go through… This happened in Chicago, it happened in Los Angeles.”
Federal Marshal: “It’ll happen again as long as we’ve got this type of element to deal with.”
The Federal Marshal’s indifference grounds the idea that the government-approved production of language will not respond to any counter-language; instead, it will simply adopt a trivializing attitude toward those who wish to engage in dialogue. The film even cuts to black at this point, suggesting that any possibility for dialogue is done. For his part, Bakhtin concludes his discussion of the monologue thusly, “Monologue is finalized and deaf to the other’s response, does not expect it and does not acknowledge in it any decisive force” (293). In other words, even after the BBC reporter threatens to televise this brutality, the marshal remains deaf to any consideration and refuses to acknowledge the existence of another viewpoint. Neither oppositionality nor transgressions against the dominant ideology are granted agency. Instead, the marshal’s adherence to the monologue remains steadfast.

In fact, Watkins insinuates that that same resoluteness may be the key weakness to use to break down the ideology. Even as the credits roll over the black screen, the BBC reporter can be heard telling the Federal Marshal, “You’ve cheated. You never intended to let those people finish the course from the beginning. You’ve had radios, you’ve obviously been under control the whole time. […] We’re cut… we’ve had enough of this.” These closing words seem to indicate that the BBC reporter has surrendered to the government-approved orthodoxy, that the camera cannot do any more to insist that truth and respectability be adhered to, but a closer reading suggests something far more subversive. The reporter is done adhering to the monologic conditions he and his camera crew endured, and so they will leave this deaf environment and see if the general society is as unresponsive to the plight of the dissidents. In other words, the BBC reporter secures agency by fleeing this environment with the footage in hand, and because the police and tribunal do not realize the extent to which they are seen as closing down all opposition, they allow the documentary to leave the park. They do not even view the reporter or his crew as anything but objects of their consciousness. Consequently, it is through the BBC reporter that the dissidents’ agency can be reclaimed and circulated, and it is through the camera that the revolution will be televised.

Works Cited

Bakhtin, Mikhail. Problems of Dostoevsky’s Poetics. Ed. and trans. Caryl Emerson. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 1984.

Gomez, Joseph A. Peter Watkins. Boston: Twayne, 1979.

Punishment Park. Dir. Peter Watkins. New Yorker Video, 1971.

Weiner, Bernard. “Review of Punishment Park by Peter Watkins.” Film Quarterly, 25.4 (Summer, 1972): 49-52.

Melville
12-10-2007, 02:45 PM
Interesting essay on what sounds to be a great movie. After the brilliance of Watkins' Edvard Munch, I'm really looking forward to seeing this and War Game at some point.

Duncan
02-23-2008, 11:37 PM
A well written and interesting essay, dreamdead. But I have to disagree with a lot of it.

I think you do a very effective job of arguing how the dissidents and especially the BBC crew subvert the monologic tendencies of the government. However, I disagree that there are ever any pretensions to objectivity. You have a pretty good idea of the filmmaker's (both Watkins and the BBC reporter - who happen to be the same voice, literally) opinion right from the opening shot of the American flag in the middle of an arid desert. The tribunal members are immediately portrayed as a bit clownish, old, and white. We're never really intended to take their opinions seriously. This subjectivity, which is intense from the start, continually revs up until the cameraman starts his shouting match with the cops/national guards.

The result, I would argue, is exactly the kind of authoritarian monologue you claim the film subverts. To borrow one of the quotes you used, “Monologue is finalized and deaf to the other’s response, does not expect it and does not acknowledge in it any decisive force.” Does this not sound very much like a description of Punishment Park? It does to me. The film leaves no room for rebuttal. The pigs are clearly pigs - murderers that have suppressed any sympathetic tendencies they may have once had (though I kind of like pigs, and feel a little bit bad about eating them. They've always seemed nice enough to me, and I've read they're smarter than dogs). The cameraman has been our strictly limited window on these events the whole runtime. When he starts acting antagonistically towards the cops, we are implicitly forced into a mutual place of antagonism.

That said, I do not necessarily agree that monological arguments are inherently problematic. Or, perhaps more clearly stated, it is true that monological arguments will never be universally correct or applicable, but they can still be effective. I think that fringe films like this are important and valuable precisely because of their violent, one-sided arguments. The extremes are necessary, challenging, and invigorating.


Side note: I have no idea what that fellow Bakhtin's opinion of Dostoevsky is, but from the title of that work I gather he is at the very least a bit critical. In applying these few excerpts of his writing to the work of Dostoevsky's that I have read, I find Bakhtin's arguments rather faulty. It is true that Dostoevsky's characters often express themselves in long monologue form, but those monologues are never presented as absolute. If one looks at The Brothers Karamazov, one sees that none of the monologues are ever to be considered more than precariously balanced. Each character's contribution is either held up by or destabilized by another character's contribution. And in the end Dostoevsky claims his hero as the one character who spends practically his whole time listening, not speaking. Eh, I was going to go on about Notes From Underground, but then I realized this is all speculative criticism of something I've never read, and therefore will call it quits for now.

Melville
02-24-2008, 12:02 AM
Side note: I have no idea what that fellow Bakhtin's opinion of Dostoevsky is, but from the title of that work I gather he is at the very least a bit critical. In applying these few excerpts of his writing to the work of Dostoevsky's that I have read, I find Bakhtin's arguments rather faulty. It is true that Dostoevsky's characters often express themselves in long monologue form, but those monologues are never presented as absolute. If one looks at The Brothers Karamazov, one sees that none of the monologues are ever to be considered more than precariously balanced. Each character's contribution is either held up by or destabilized by another character's contribution. And in the end Dostoevsky claims his hero as the one character who spends practically his whole time listening, not speaking. Eh, I was going to go on about Notes From Underground, but then I realized this is all speculative criticism of something I've never read, and therefore will call it quits for now.
From the Wikipedia article on Bakhtin:

"Bakhtin found in Dostoevsky's work a true representation of polyphony, that is, many voices."

Edit: your comment about The Brothers Karamazov reminds me of a conversation I had with a friend of mine a long time ago. He said he loved the ideas that Dostoevsky presents through the Grand Inquisitor. I tried to tell him that the point of the Grand Inquisitor chapter wasn't primarily the Grand Inquisitor's ideas: it was what those ideas said about Ivan, the character telling the story, who is distinct from the narrator of the novel, who is distinct from Dostoevsky himself, and about Alyosha, the silent listener implicit throughout the telling of the story. In other words, that Bakhtin book sounds interesting.

dreamdead
02-24-2008, 12:58 AM
Thanks for the post, Melville. You saved me a longer reply. Yeah, Bakhtin regarded Dostoevsky highly, though the book title is a bit ambivelant about this detail. And actually, despite my appreciation of the man's work, I've never made the time over a summer to bang out The Brothers Karamazov. I should remedy that this time.

Regarding your points, Duncan, I should get to them Monday or Tuesday. In the middle of a grading crunch right now, but since I'm presenting this basic essay at a conference on Friday I should revisit the film and be able to continue my respective monologue to yours then. :)

dreamdead
02-28-2008, 01:23 PM
Duncan, I don’t think the film adheres to an authoritarian monologue from the beginning. Think of the bystander effect, or the Genovese Syndrome. The bystander effect equates to the camera here operating only as silent witness, as an apparatus that is not yet rendering explicit its subjectivity. Taken in this light, even if the camera does not tacitly approve of the police and governmental politics, nor does it stand up and articulate its opposition to the status quo. This sense of the tribunal as an old and buffoonish order is never articulated until they are shown having lunch nonchalantly while citizens are being hunted in the distance. At that point, the film begins restricting its offering of the dialogic condition. Still, that sentiment is not utterly authoritarian.

To begin with, it is necessary to state that although Watkins admittedly presents a biased dialogue, it is a dialogue that is not present in the monological activities of Punishment Park itself. The film allows both sides an equal platform to talk directly to the camera, so even if the film sides with the underprivileged dissidents, the police still receive, albeit damning, space to present their perspective. At film’s end, the film explicitly states what is commonly accepted within postmodernism, that objectivity is a myth and that the closest film can come to it is known subjectivity. However, up until that point there are rebuttals. Even if the film is black-and-white in its politics, the film’s engagement with the camera elides that sense of the concrete for a filmic space that is actually more ambivalent. This ambivalence offers glimpses of more than just the two initial oppositional voices, for the police are offered a chance to speak apart from their status as policemen; they are offered a chance to represent one word and speak another in the space created by this ambivalence. When a young National Guardsman fatally shoots one of the dissidents, the BBC reporter screams at the Guardsman until, shaken, the young man apologies. Though the rest of the police and Guardsmen encircle the man and sublimate him back into the group, this moment opens up a space wherein humanity and consideration is granted, however tenuously, to all.

Duncan
03-01-2008, 08:12 AM
Duncan, I don’t think the film adheres to an authoritarian monologue from the beginning. Think of the bystander effect, or the Genovese Syndrome. The bystander effect equates to the camera here operating only as silent witness, as an apparatus that is not yet rendering explicit its subjectivity. Taken in this light, even if the camera does not tacitly approve of the police and governmental politics, nor does it stand up and articulate its opposition to the status quo. This sense of the tribunal as an old and buffoonish order is never articulated until they are shown having lunch nonchalantly while citizens are being hunted in the distance. At that point, the film begins restricting its offering of the dialogic condition. Still, that sentiment is not utterly authoritarian.

To begin with, it is necessary to state that although Watkins admittedly presents a biased dialogue, it is a dialogue that is not present in the monological activities of Punishment Park itself. The film allows both sides an equal platform to talk directly to the camera, so even if the film sides with the underprivileged dissidents, the police still receive, albeit damning, space to present their perspective. At film’s end, the film explicitly states what is commonly accepted within postmodernism, that objectivity is a myth and that the closest film can come to it is known subjectivity. However, up until that point there are rebuttals. Even if the film is black-and-white in its politics, the film’s engagement with the camera elides that sense of the concrete for a filmic space that is actually more ambivalent. This ambivalence offers glimpses of more than just the two initial oppositional voices, for the police are offered a chance to speak apart from their status as policemen; they are offered a chance to represent one word and speak another in the space created by this ambivalence. When a young National Guardsman fatally shoots one of the dissidents, the BBC reporter screams at the Guardsman until, shaken, the young man apologies. Though the rest of the police and Guardsmen encircle the man and sublimate him back into the group, this moment opens up a space wherein humanity and consideration is granted, however tenuously, to all.

I dunno, dreamdead. I think this film's conservative characters are kinda like unfunny versions of Stephen Colbert. The hypocrisy lies right on the surface - obvious and immediately recognized. In both cases the language is used to point out its own ludicrousness. The fact that they are given equal screentime does not mean that their opinions are ever considered valid. And I don't think you can ignore their race, age, and the mise en scene. White and old covers the first two. They are also blocked so as to always be the aggressors regardless of how vitriolic the defendants get. Their costumes all represent regressive stereotypes as opposed to the forward thinking defendants. I also still think that the opening shot of a American flag in the middle of the desert is meant to give you the filmmaker's opinion right away. Talk about a loaded shot.

A question: the first time you saw this film, did you honestly think that the film was presenting an unbiased view of the proceedings for the first half hour or so? Because I knew this was a polemic pretty damn early. And if that's the case, then how can it be possible that both sides of the debate were given fair and equal treatment by the filmmakers?

As I stated earlier, equal screentime does not necessitate equal validation.